İSLAM - GREEN34 START
İSLAMİC RADIO AND PHOTOGRAPHY
İSLAMİ FORM SİTEMİZ
İLETİŞİM FORMU
GENÇLİK SİTEMİZ
ZİYARETÇİ FORMU
ŞEHİT ŞEYH AHMET YASİN
ŞEHİT BACIMIZ FATMA IRAKİ
BOSNA HERZEGOVINA SARAJEVO
ÇEÇEN MİLLİ MARŞI
SODON VE GOMORRANIN HELAKI
ATLANTİS AD UBARIN HELAKI
SEMUD POMPEININ HELAKI
AFGAN CİHAD EKBERİ
RESİMLİ AYET MEALLERİ VE MEDYEN
ŞEHİD BACIMIZ FATMA IRAKİ _
ŞEHİD BACIMIZ FATMA IRAKİ__
के संगीत एक वैश्विक भाषा
ISLAM - GREEN34 ISLAMIC ANIMATION
KÜLTÜR VE SANAT ANEKTODLARI
İSLAM - GREEN34 GRUBU RAPOR
ARAB SPRING BEGAN ON THE İNTERNET
VAKTI CUMA MUBARAK
AVRUPA MÜSLÜMAN OLACAK
İSLAM GOOGLE PHOTOGRAPHY
MÜSLÜMAN GİBİ SEVMEYİ NE ZAMAN ÖĞRENECEKSİN
TYLER DURDEN
İSLAM - GREEN34 İSLAMİ FORUM VE SOHBET SİTESİ KURULUŞ AMACI
ISLAMGREEN34 INTERNATIONAL NEW WORLD
SEVGİ VE İYİ NİYET
WEBMASTERS İSLAMGREEN34 LIST
JAWA YÜKLEME MENÜSÜ
ŞİFA AYETLERİ VE MEALİ
DUA KÜLLİYATI ARAPÇA TÜRKÇE
ŞİFA AYETLERİ
NAZAR İÇİN DUALAR
YASİN VE DUA
İLİM VE İSLAMİ YOL
ISLAMIC PHOTOS 1
ISLAMIC PHOTOS 2
ISLAMIC PHOTOS 3
TÜRK ORDUSU 2014
ISLAMIC PHOTOS 4
ISLAMIC PHOTOS 5
GÜL DEMETİ

 


ARAB SPRING BEGAN
ON THE İNTERNET


ARAP SPRİNG

Arab Spring
began on the internet.
dictatorships collapsed

http://www.meta-activism.org/2011/11/arab-spring-what-did-we-learn-about-tech-and-revolution/

   Arab Spring
   What Did We Learn   
   About 
   Tech and Revolution

 

UPDATE: addition of Web Ecology Project
research (Nov. 8, 2011)
UPDATE:
David Faris on the role of blogs in
framing processes (Nov. 9, 2011)

Since the Arab Spring began last December
 both academics and amateurs have studied the effects of
digital technology on the revolutions.
At this point there have been so many insights that what
is needed is a good curated
aggregation of the best answers to the question
What effect did digital technology
and social media have on the Arab Spring?

The purpose of this post is to serve
as a dynamic compendium of the best
answers to this question, and I hope to update
it frequently as new insights are gained
 
Here is what I’ve come up with so far.

Step 1 – In the Beginning
a Safe(r) Space to Reveal Preferences

In a recent post on Gigaom, Mathew
Ingram quotes open data advocate
Aaron Swartz‘s quick and dirty summary
of
Jon Elster‘s theory of the steps of a revolution:

  • A core group of committed activists get together
  • to “do something completely crazy.”
  • The government cracks down
  • and this behavior makes people
  • who are sympathetic to the cause
  • “rally to the support of the crazy ones.”
  • As the protests continue and it looks
  • as though they might have some tangible effect
  • at some point “it seems worth it even
  • for just normal reasonable people to start joining in.”
  • Eventually, the protests become so large that
  • “even their opponents pretend to be part
  • of them, so as not to be on the wrong side of history.”

Yet even before activists get together
“to do something completely crazy”
they need to simply get together.
The Internet provides a safer space than offline
for potential activists to meet and honestly share views.

Yes, it is true that repressive governments
are getting increasingly savvy about this
function of the Internet and are more actively
tracking opposition activities online. Yet activists
are becoming savvier too, such that identifying
a digital activist who is truly skilled in anonymity
is quite difficult to identify (witness the successful
evasions of the hackers of Anonymous).
At the same time, many governments lack the
resources or understanding necessary to
conduct thorough surveillance of the online activities
of potential opponents
so simply being online may provide
meaningful cover, even in the absence
of sophisticated anonymity techniques.

This means that the Internet can help strengthen
a nascent opposition movement by giving passionate
individual opponents of a regime a place to
meet one another, share and develop
their views by revealing preferences
and build a collective identity that will
make opposition to the government – and
membership in the activist group – and ever
stronger motivator of their behavior.
(For more on like-minded groups
and intensification of ideology see
here.)
This period of mutual sharing of discontent can la
st for years before different contextual
factors align (changes in opportunity structure) and the time
for mobilization is ripe.

At this point, the revolution has not even begun.
The activists have not planned or executed
any action. They are just talking to one another
by using technologies like forums, blogs and
social networks. If the government is relatively
ignorant of how activist use the Internet,
citizens can have these discussions
on the public web, as Egyptian political
bloggers did in 2004-2005. (The development
of the quasi-political group Anonymous
on the imageboard 4chan is another example
of this phenomenon.) If the government is savvy,
more sophisticated tools for anonymity will be necessary.

In a recent talk in Beirut, Zeynep Tufekci
of the University of North Carolina at
Chapel Hill
noted that repressive
governments prevent revolution by creating
collective action problems for their
citizens, specifically high individual cost
of failure (torture, prison) and high cost of
organization (difficult to meet, communicate).

The Internet can help citizens solve the
first collective action problem of living in
a repressive regime: the inability to
communicate with others who share their
feelings of opposition. This step actually
involves two functions:

  1. The capacity to reveal ones’ preferences to others and
  2. The capacity to communicate with others who share that preference

Social platforms like blogs, forums, and
social networks are very effective places
to reveal preferences to others. While it is easier
to maintain anonymity in a forum or chat room
that on a social network, where social connections
can be used to reveal identity, all three provide
an opportunity for citizens to mutually
share their frustration with the regime, either
explicitly or in coded/indirect language. Because
these platforms allow for many-to-many
communication, it is possible to have mutual
statements of preference. It’s not just
one person standing on a digital soapbox and
shouting into the darkness, it’s the capacity
for others to respond, “me too!”

The Boston Review recently published
an
interview with Ahmed Saleh and Nadine
Wahab, two administrators of the Facebook
page
We Are All Khaled Said. The
page was
a key meeting point (and then mobilizing point) for
the young urban middle class before and during
the Egyptian Revolution. It is named for
Khaled Said, a
young man beaten to death by police in June of
2010. Saleh describes how the page served as
a freer meeting place for politically aware
Egyptian youth:

The youths in Egypt, pre-revolution, lived two lives
one online and one off-line.
The off-line life is very limited in access to information
freedom of speech and mobilization
and even in access to each other. For decades
it was illegal for five people to gather
for any reason (per emergency law), although it
was tolerated except when it was
politically motivated. Online political activists used
terms like “group
” “room,” and “comment” as if they had physical meanings.

Nadine Wahab, another page admin, concurs:

Since the Egyptian government had made the brick-and-mortar
world so unfriendly to free expression and the Internet was so
readily available to just tweet, update Facebook, or send a quick blog post
it became the space to express your thoughts or post a news item.

The page also was a place to reveal preferences
about a different future for Egypt, all while
protecting themselves through the use of
false names. Saleh continues:

The Internet offered an open environment that politicized the youths
allowed them to raise awareness on possibilities of shaping their future
diversified their perspectives, anonymized their identities
gave them the taste of free speech, and pushed them to
see through the regime propaganda and despise it.

Wahab explains how the admins explicitly
attempted to use the Facebook page to create
a public debate about the Mubarak regime, to
create a readiness for mobilization against
the regime (ie, framing processes):

As the people posted live, people would react live and a
conversation developed. I believe 2010 was a tipping point
for this interaction; we went from conversation to a public
debate, and just not with activists but with a larger
less engaged tech-savvy population. Administrators
were very deliberate in cultivating a relationship
with this population.

David Faris of Roosevelt University, who is
writing a book on digital activism Egypt, confirms
the importance of digital tools in framing processes
and also highlights the importance of blogs, particularly
in using torture as an issue with which to challenge
the legitimacy of the Mubarak regime.

Digital is indeed wonderful for framing processes
but taking
the long view, what made Khaled Said possible in the
first place were past attempts (largely digital with offline
connections) to make torture part of the public sphere, and
to introduce the tortured as
claims-makers in Egyptian politics.
So efforts like
Torture in Egypt and Misr Digital were critical
stage-setting efforts, made possible by digital tools, that transformed
the discursive environment around torture long before [Khaled
Said admin] Wael Ghonim ever set foot on the political stage.

This raising or awareness (and creation of
collective identity around that awareness)
was key in creating a group of people ready to
be mobilized when the right moment hit. As
research provided later reveals, people
using a
Facebook were among the first to turn up at the
demonstrations in Tahrir Square. Though there
were other factors in place, the key opening
was the successful revolution in Tunisia, which
showed that dramatic change was possible.

Step 2 – Solving the Next Collective Action Problem
Collaborative Planning

Once a group of people are known to one another
and have mutually revealed their preference for
political change, it will not be too long before
someone suggests that they do something about it. This
will involve a more involved form of collective action
than collective identity development and group
formation. Activists will now need to jointly identify
and analyze contextual factor (political, social, economic)
that will
determine whether and how they can act.
They will need to develop
delegate, and track tasks. They will need to develop a plan.

Fortunately, the Internet provides a plethora
of tools for collaboration. Some
technologies like mobile SMS, instant
messaging, Skype, and email, can be
used with the highest protection
of anonymity by using various types of
encryption. More public tools, where
anonymity is guarded by using a false
name and accessing the platform via
a circumvention tool like Tor, can
also be used in this stage.

However, while actions can be planned on a public platform like
Facebook (and were in the case of the
We Are All Khaled Said page)
detailed campaign planning is best suited to the careful work of a
small group, where coordination is easier, meaning SMS, IM, Skype
and email may be safer and more useful. From his base in Dubai
Wael Ghonim, the most famed admin of the We are All Khaled Said
group,
used GChat to communicate with other activists back in
Egypt.
There are also a variety of more specialized technologies
like fundraising
widgets and wikis and Google Docs that can be useful for
aggregating information and jointly creating a plan.

Unfortunately, because these activities
take place through private
platforms like email and SMS – rather than public platforms like
Facebook and
Twitter – it is often hard to find examples of how technologies
were used in
collaboration without asking activists themselves.

Step 3 – Going Public and Getting Big: Mobilization
Information Cascades, and Media Narratives

Digital technology has been used in many ways to facilitate
political
change, and the revolution is not public yet. It is only now that the
first step of Elster’s model occurs. Having used digital technology
to mutually identify other people unhappy
with the regime and to collaborative create
a plan of action, now that core group of committed activists can
get together
to “do something completely crazy.”

At this stage the Internet and mobile phones
become useful for spreading
information to a broad public.
This information can range from mobilizing
calls to action (“go to Tahrir tomorrow!”)
to anti-regime preferences
(“Mubarak
out!” “proud to be an Egyptian #jan25″). The Khaled
Said Facebook pag
e was used to mobilize the first wave of protesters, although
many groups
that were mobilized existed before and outside of the
realmof digital activism. Ahmed Saleh explains:

If it weren’t for Facebook, the Egyptian revolution would have
started anyway. The effect of a Facebook call to a timed revo
lution with a large outreach (that activated an organiz
ed political activist community that’s been in the making
for decades) is making the revolution shorter
, more organized, with fewer casualties and more
theatrical.

Saleh also describes how quickly information spread and how
quickly other activists began self-organizing, such that
Facebook became less important:

Additionally it is my claim that in the afternoon of January
25, 2011 when the masses came out, the Internet and Facebook
became irrelevant. In fact all of the administrators of the Facebook pages and even the political
activists were su
rprise
d that the demonstrators continued protesting all over Egypt on J
anuary 26 and beyond, without any Facebook page calling for it or organizing it.
The administrators were now on the receiving end of the
news.

It is here that the important function of information
cascades comes into play, which
means that people
observe the
actions of others and, as a result, make a choice to
undertake the
same action. The classic example is the protests
in East Germany that led to German reunification.
(This case is described by Susann Lohmann in greater
detail in
this 1994 paper.) From a summary on
Wikipedia:

Small protests began in Leipzig, Germany in 1989 with just a
handful of activists challenging the German Democratic Rep
ublic. For almost a year, protesters
met every Monday growing
by a few people each time. By the time the government attempted
to address it in September 1989, it was too big to quash. In October,
the number of protesters reached 100,000 and by the first Monday in No
vember, over 400,000 people marched the streets of Leipzig.
Two days later the Berlin Wall was dismantled.

In this example, the mechanism of the information
cascade was
that citizens physically saw the protesters out in
the streets. Ea
ch Monday the presence of the protesters made
political chang
e seem more possible and each M
onday a few m
ore people beca
me convinced that if they joined it would make a
difference. Wh
ile in the beginning only the hardcore of activists
were convinced, by
the end large swaths of the population saw the end
of a divided Germany as inevitable. The same o
ccurred with the street pr
otests in Tunisia and Egypt, though not only because
citizens saw th
e protests in real life, but also through various
forms of media.

In the Internet age, informatio
n cascades
are networked and 

multiple media types, jumping between citizens
traditional
media outlets, and back again. In
the case of Tunisia
activists used Facebook and sneakernets to
transmit video of the
Sidi Bouzid protes
ts
(and subsequent government crack-down) to
international TV
broadcasters like Al Jazeera, which have a much
larger audience than
any Facebook page. Al Jaze

era reporters had been barred from
entering Tunisia and they were eager to find a way to work
around the
blocks by using citizen media. Viewing these protests on
TV – and hearing about them
on the radio – was the mechanism by which m
any Tunisians learned about them and made the decision
to sta
rt protesting in other cities. (
Ethan Zuckerman also has
a nice
video
describing Tunisian m
edia protes
t dynam
ics).

Recent survey-based research analyzed by
Zeynep Tufekci and Chri
stopher Wilson and c
ollected by Alix Dunn of
Th
Engine Roo
m
has also shown that, as many surmised, Facebook was
very important in
bringing protesters to Tahrir Squar
e on the first day of the
Egyptian protests, before there was any revolution for
the international
media to report on. First-day protesters were
also likely to use
Twitter, another means of mobilizing supporters
though the overall use
of Twitter was low among protesters in
general and miniscule in the Egyptian population.

During the Arab Spring, social media information
cascades had both
a local and international function. For example, it could be
argued that the primary value
of Twitter was not as a tool for
local mobilization but as a mechanism of international
contagion and
agenda-setting. From early on in their revolution
Tunisian activists
used the Twitter hashtag #sidibouzid as a way
to aggregate information
about what was going on in their country and
broadcast it to the world.
During the Egyptian revolution, people across the
world followed the #jan25
hashtag to get the most recent information on what was
happening when international
media outlets lacked the resources or insight to provide
that information.
Everycountry involved in the Arab Spring had
an associated hashtag
either a specialized hashtag like #feb14, the
revolutionary hashtag
for Bahrain, or simply the name of country.

The exact mechanics of informatoin cascades
also differed from revolution to
revolution. Research on Twitter activity during the Arab
Spring by the
Web Ecology Project
a volunteer research collective not dissimilar from the
Meta-Activism Project,
revealed that:

In the case of Egypt, lots of information
flows start from journalists
bloggers and activists, with bots as a lesser, but important, influence.
In Tunisia, there were fewer flows started by journalists, more by bots
and bloggers, and way fewer from activists. This may reflect the fact that the
Tunisian story caught many journalists and activists by surprise �
they were late to the story, and less significant as information sources
than the bloggers who cover that space over time. By the time
Egypt becomes a story, journalists realized the significance and
were on the ground, providing original content on Twitter, as well as to their papers.

The fact that citizens could record their own content
and share it with
sympathetic international broadcasters like Al Jazeera
also meant that they
could control the narrative of their revolution as never before
And, if they lacked a sympathetic broadcaster in
the mainstream
media, they could just broadcast themselves
internationall
, by dropping the Twitter hashtag of their revolution
into their tweets to gain the attention of an international
audience. In this way
no individual activist had to build an individual following.
They just had to attach their
own content to an already popular hashtag to gain
the attention of the world.

In our current media environment, information can enter the media
system through an increasing number of entry points. This makes
it much more likely that important information will spread broadly
within the population for whom it is important (from local to global)
and makes it much harder to maintain information vacuums.
Even in places where the international media is forbidden
a single memory card with video of a protest can make its
way onto the Internet or out of the country in an
activist’s back pocket.

Conclusion: a Catch-22 for Repressive Regimes

Going back to Elster’s timeline of revolution from the beginning
of this post, we can now see that Elster’s first step (activists doing
“something crazy” in public) is actually the end of a long process
of group formation and planning that is less visible. This may
be why governments in Tunisia and Egypt were unsuccessful in
beating back the revolutions. Once the revolutions
were visible it was already too late.

Repressive regimes need to nip digital activism in the
bud if they are to
prevent digitally-facilitated revolution. But this is a catch-22 for
repressive regimes. “Nipping digital activism in the bud” means
controlling and punishing behavior that is not an
explicit act of rebellion
like sharing a news story about government corruption
or talking about
political change in another country, both part of step 1. When
governments control this speech they end up controlling the
speech of more people, as not only hard-core activists but also
mostly apolitical citizens might wish to discuss these topics.
This means that they are creating resentment against the
government by citizens who were not previously
politically engaged. This may be what is
happening in China.

Also, it is important to note that digital technology was not used
as effectively in all the revolutions of the Arab Spring. Even when
digital technology was used, as in the cases of Syria and Bahrain
much stronger contextual forces (a government willing to violently
repress and Saudi support of the government, respectively) may
have overwhelmed the positive effects of digital technology.
In other cases, like Libya, low Internet penetration and
significant
blocking meant that digital technology played a limited role, though
some international broadcast was still possible using citizen
media (see Andy Carvin’s
talk on citizen media
in the Libyan revolution).

Please let me know in the comments if you agree
with this analysis of the role of digital technology in the Arab
Spring and if you have evidence that supports or contradicts it


 

 

 

 

 

 
 

Arab Spring

 
 
 
    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 
 
 
    Jump to
   
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    search
 
Arab Spring
Collage for MENA protests
Clockwise from top left
Protesters in
Tahrir Square in Cairo
Demonstrators marching
through
Habib Bourguiba Avenue in Tunis
Political dissidents in
Sana'a
Protesters gathering in
Pearl Roundabout in Manama
Mass demonstration in
Douma
Demonstrators in
Bayda.
 Date 18 December 2010 (2010-12-18) – present
(2 years, 4 months, 1 week and 3 days)
 Location Arab world
 
Causes
 
Goals
Methods
Status Ongoing
  • Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali ousted, and government overthrown.
  • Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak ousted, and government overthrown.
  • Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi killed after a civil war with foreign military intervention, and government overthrown.
  • Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh ousted, and hands power to a national unity government.
  • Syria experiences a full-scale civil war between the government and opposition forces.
  • Civil uprising against the government of Bahrain, despite government changes.
  • Kuwait, Lebanon and Oman implementing government changes in response to protests.
  • Morocco, Jordan implementing constitutional reforms in response to protests.
  • Ongoing protests in Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Mauritania and some other countries.
Casualties
   
Death(s) 98,408–103,421+ (International estimate, ongoing; see table below)

The Arab Spring (Arabic: الربيع العربي ‎, al-rabīˁ al-ˁarabī) is the
media term for a
revolutionary wave of nonviolent and violent
demonstrations, violent and nonviolent protests, riots
and
civil wars in the Arab world that began on 18 December 2010.

To date, rulers have been forced from power in Tunisia,[1]
Egypt,[2] Libya,[3] and Yemen;[4] civil uprisings have erupted in
Bahrain[5] and Syria;[6] major protests have broken out in
Algeria,[7] Iraq,[8] Jordan,[9] Kuwait,[10] Morocco,[11]
and
Sudan;[12] and

minor protests have occurred in Mauritania,[13]
Oman,[14] Saudi Arabia,[15]
Djibouti,[16] and Western Sahara.[17]

There were border clashes in Israel in May 2011,[18] and the
protests in Iranian Khuzestan by the Arab minority
erupted in 2011 as well.
[19] Weapons and Tuareg fighters
returning from the
Libyan civil war stoked a simmering
conflict in Mali
which has been described as "fallout" from the Arab
Spring in
North Africa.[20] The
sectarian clashes in Lebanon were described as a
spillover violence of the
Syrian uprising and hence the regional Arab
Spring.
[21] In September 2012, a
wave of
social protests by Palestinians
demanded lower consumer prices
and resignation of the Palestinian Prime
Minister Fayyad.

The protests have shared techniques of
mostly
civil resistance in
sustained campaigns involving strikes
demonstrations, marches, and rallies
as well as the effective use of
social media[22][23] to organize, communicate
and raise awareness in the face of
state attempts at repression
and
Internet censorship.[24][25]

Many Arab Spring demonstrations

have been met with violent responses
from authorities,
[26][27][28] as well as
from pro-government militias and
counter-demonstrators. These attacks have
been answered with violence from
protestors in some cases.
[29][30][31] A
major slogan of the demonstrators in the
Arab world has been
Ash-shab yurid isqat an-nizam
("the people want to bring down the regime").
[32]

Some observers have drawn comparisons

between the Arab Spring movements
and the
Revolutions of 1989 (also known as
the "Autumn of Nations") that swept
through
Eastern Europe and the Second World, in
terms of their scale and significance.
[33][34][35] Others
however, have pointed out that there are several
key differences between the movements
such as the desired outcomes and the
organizational role of
internet technology in the
Arab revolutions.
[36][37][38]

   Contents

      [hide

[edit] Etymology

The term "Arab Spring" is an allusion to
the
Revolutions of 1848, which is sometimes
referred to as "Springtime of the People"
and the
Prague Spring in 1968. The first
specific use of the term Arab Spring as
used to denote these events may have started
with the American political journal
Foreign Policy.[39] Marc Lynch
referring to
his article in Foreign Policy,
[40] writes
"Arab Spring—a term I may have unintentionally
coined in a January 6, 2011 article".
[41]
Joseph Massad on al-Jazeera said the term
was "part of a US strategy of controlling
[the movement's] aims and goals" and directing
it towards American-style
liberal democracy.[39]
Due to the electoral success of
Islamist
parties following the protests in many
Arab countries, the events have also come
to be known as "Islamist Spring" or "Islamist Winter".
[42][43]

[edit] Background

[edit] Causes

The Arab spring is widely believed to have
been instigated by dissatisfaction with the rule
of local governments, though some have speculated
that wide gaps in income levels may have had
a hand as well.
[44] Numerous factors have led to
the protests, including issues such as dictatorship
or
absolute monarchy, human rights
violations,
political corruption (demonstrated
by
Wikileaks diplomatic cables),[45]
economic decline, unemployment, extreme
poverty, and a number of demographic structural
factors,
[46] such as a large percentage of educated
but dissatisfied youth within
the population.
[47]
Also, some, like Slovenian philosopher
Slavoj Žižek attribute the
2009–2010 Iranian election protests as one
of the reasons behind the Arab Spring.
[48]
The
Kyrgyz Revolution of 2010 might also
have been one of the factors, which influenced
the beginning of the Arab Spring.
[49] The
catalysts for the revolts in all
Northern African
and
Persian Gulf countries have been the
concentration of wealth in the hands of autocrats in
power for decades, insufficient transparency
of its redistribution, corruption, and especially the
refusal of the youth to accept the status
quo.
[50] Increasing food prices and
global
famine rates have also been a
significant factor,
[51][52] as they involve
threats to
food security worldwide and
prices that approach levels
of the
2007–2008 world food price crisis.[53]

In recent decades rising living standards
and
literacy rates, as well as the increased
availability of higher education,
have resulted in an improved
Human Development Index in the affected
countries. The tension between rising
aspirations and a lack of government reform
may have been a contributing factor in all
of the protests.
[50][54][55] Many of the
Internet-savvy youth of these countries have
increasingly over the years,[
citation needed]
been viewing autocrats and absolute
monarchies as
anachronisms. A university
professor of
Oman, Al-Najma Zidjaly referred to this upheaval as youthquake.[50]

Tunisia and Egypt, the first to witness
major uprisings, differ from other North African
and Middle Eastern nations such as
Algeria and Libya in that they lack significant
oil revenue, and were thus unable to make
concessions to calm the masses.
[50]

The relative success of the
democratic
Republic of Turkey, with its
substantially free and vigorously contested
but peaceful elections, fast-growing
but liberal economy, secular constitution
but
Islamist government, created a
model (the
Turkish model) if not a motivation
for protestors in neighbouring states.
[56]

[edit] Recent history

The current wave of protests is not an entirely
new phenomenon, resulting in part from the
activities of dissident activists as well as
members of a variety of social and union
organizations that have been active for years
in
Tunisia, Algeria, Egypt, and other countries
in the area, as well as in the territory of
Western Sahara.[57]

Revolts have been occurring in the
Arab area since the 1800s but only recently have these revolts been redirected from foreign rulers to the
Arab states themselves. The revolution in the
summer of 2011 marked the end of the old
phase national liberation from colonial rule
rather they are inwardly directed at the problems of Arab society.
[58]

Tunisia experienced a series of conflicts
over the past three years, the most notable
occurring in the mining area of
Gafsa in 2008
where protests continued for many months. These protests included rallies, sit-ins, and strikes, during which there were two fatalities, an unspecified number of wounded, and
dozens of arrests.
[57][59] The Egyptian labor
movement had been strong for years
with more than 3,000 labor actions since 2004.
[60] One important demonstration was an attempted
workers' strike on 6 April 2008 at the
state-run textile factories of
al-Mahalla al-Kubra
just outside
Cairo. The idea for this type of demonstration spread throughout the country, promoted by
computer-literate working class youths and their supporters among middle-class college students.
[60] A Facebook
page, set up to promote the strike
 attracted tens of thousands of followers.
The government mobilized to break the strike
through infiltration and riot police
and while the regime was somewhat
successful in forestalling a strike
dissidents formed the "6 April Committee
" of youths and labor activists, which
became one of the major forces calling for the anti-
Mubarak demonstration on 25 January in Tahrir Square.[60]

In Algeria, discontent had been building for
years over a number of issues. In February
2008, United States Ambassador Robert
Ford wrote in a leaked diplomatic cable that
Algeria is 'unhappy' with long-standing
political alienation; that social discontent
persisted throughout the country
with food strikes occurring almost
every week; that there were demonstrations
every day somewhere in the country
and that the Algerian government was
corrupt and fragile.
[61] Some have claimed
that during 2010 there were as many
as '9,700 riots and unrests' throughout the
country.
[62] Many protests focused on issues
such as education and health care
while others cited rampant corruption.
[63]

In Western Sahara, the
Gdeim Izik protest camp was erected 12
kilometres (7.5 mi) south-east of
El Aaiún
by a group of young
Sahrawis on 9 October
2010. Their intention was to demonstrate against labor discrimination, unemployment, looting of resources, and
human rights abuses.
[64] The camp contained
between 12,000 and 2
0,000 inhabitants
but on 8 November 2010 it was destroyed
and its inhabitants evicted by Moroccan
security forces. The security forces faced
strong opposition from some young Sahrawi
civilians, and rioting soon spread to
El Aaiún and other towns within the territory
resulting in an unknown number of injuries
and deaths. Violence against Sahrawis in the
aftermath of the protests was cited as a
reason for
renewed protests months later
after the start of the Arab Spring.
[65]

The catalyst for the current escalation of protests
was the self-immolation of Tunisian
Mohamed Bouazizi. Unable to find work
and selling fruit at a roadside stand, on
17 December, a municipal inspector confiscated
his wares. An hour later he doused himself with
gasoline and set himself afire. His death on 4
January
[66] brought together various groups
dissatisfied with the existing system, including
many unemployed, political and human
rights activists, labor, trade unionists, students
professors, lawyers, and others
to begin the
Tunisian revolution.[57]

[edit] Overview

The series of protests and demonstrations
across the Middle East and North Africa has
become known as the "Arab Spring",
[67][68][69] and sometimes as the "Arab Spring and Winter",[70]
"Arab Awakening"
[71][72][73] or "Arab
Uprisings"
[74][75] even though not all the
participants in the protests are
Arab. It
was sparked by the first protests that occurred in
Tunisia on 18 December 2010 in Sidi Bouzid
following
Mohamed Bouazizi's self-immolation in
protest of police corruption and ill
treatment.
[76][77] With the success of the
protests in Tunisia
a
wave of unrest sparked
by the Tunisian "Burning Man" struck
Algeria, Jordan, Egypt, and Yemen,[78]
then spread to other countries. The
largest, most organised demonstrations
have often occurred on a "day of rage"
usually Friday afternoon prayers.
[79][80][81] The protests have also triggered similar unrest outside the region.

As of September 2012, governments
have been overthrown in four countries
Tunisian President
Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fled to
Saudi Arabia on 14 January 2011 following
the
Tunisian revolution protests. In Egypt
PresidentHosni Mubarak resigned on 11
February 2011 after 18 days of massive
protests, ending his 30-year presidency
The
Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi was
overthrown on 23 August 2011, after
the
National Transitional Council (NTC) took
control of
Bab al-Azizia. He was killed on 20
October 2011, in his hometown of
Sirte after
the NTC took control of the city. Yemeni
President
Ali Abdullah Saleh signed the GCC
power-transfer deal in which a presidential
election was held, resulting in his
successor
Abd al-Rab Mansur al-Hadi
formally replacing him as the president of Yemen
on 27 February 2012, in exchange for
immunity from prosecution.

During this period of regional unrest
several leaders announced their intentions to
step down at the end of their current terms
Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir announced
that he would not seek re-election in 2015,
[82] as
did
Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki
whose term ends in 2014,
[83] although there
have been increasingly violent demonstrations
demanding his immediate resignation.
[84]
Protests in
Jordan have also caused the
sacking of four successive
governments
[85][86] by King Abdullah.[87] The
popular unrest in
Kuwait has also resulted in
resignation of Prime Minister
Nasser Mohammed Al-Ahmed Al-Sabah cabinet.[88]

The geopolitical implications of the protests
have drawn global attention,
[89] including
the suggestion that some protesters may
be nominated for the 2011
Nobel Peace Prize.[90] Tawakel Karman from
Yemen was one of the three laureates
of the
2011 Nobel Peace Prize
as a prominent
leader in the Arab Spring. In December
2011,
Time magazine named
"The Protester" its "
Person of the Year".[91]
Another award was noted when the
Spanish photographer
Samuel Aranda
won the 2011
World Press Photo award
for his image of a Yemeni woman holding
an injured family member
taken during the civil uprising in Yemen on 15 October 2011.
[92]

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
      Government overthrown       Civil war       Protests and governmental changes

 

      Sustained civil disorder and governmental changes (Bahrain)

      Major protests       Minor protests       Related crises outside the
Arab world


[edit] Summary of conflicts by country

Country Date started Status of protests Outcome Death toll Situation
 Tunisia 02010-12-1818 December 2010 Government overthrown on 14 January 2011

Overthrow of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali; Ben Ali flees into exile in Saudi Arabia

  • Resignation of Prime Minister Ghannouchi[93]
  • Dissolution of the political police[94]
  • Dissolution of the RCD, the former ruling party of Tunisia and liquidation of its assets[95]
  • Release of political prisoners[96]
  • Elections to a Constituent Assembly on 23 October 2011[97]
7002338000000000000338[98] E Government overthrown
 Algeria 02010-12-2929 December 2010 Ended in January 2012
  • Lifting of the 19-year-old state of emergency[99][100]
70008000000000000008[101] B Major protests
 Jordan 02011-01-1414 January 2011 Ongoing
  • On February 2011, King Abdullah II dismisses Prime Minister Rifai and his cabinet[102]
  • On October 2011, Abdullah dismisses Prime Minister Bakhit and his cabinet after complaints of slow progress on promised reforms[103]
  • On April 2012, as the protests continues, Al-Khasawneh resigned, and the King appoints Fayez al-Tarawneh as the new Prime Minister of Jordan[104]
  • On October 2012, King Abdullah dissolves the parliament for new early elections, and appoints Abdullah Ensour as the new Prime Minister of Jordan[105]
70003000000000000003[106] C Protests and governmental changes
 Oman 02011-01-1717 January 2011 Ended in May 2011 7000400000000000000 2–6[112][113][114] C Protests and governmental changes
 Egypt 02011-01-2525 January 2011 Government overthrown on 11 February 2011
protests ongoing

Overthrow of Hosni Mubarak; Mubarak sentenced to life in prison for ordering the killing of protesters

7002846000000000000846[60] E Government overthrown
 Yemen 02011-01-2727 January 2011 Government overthrown on 27 February 2012

Overthrow of Ali Abdullah Saleh; Saleh granted immunity from prosecution

70032000000000000002,000[127] E Government overthrown
 Djibouti 02011-01-2828 January 2011 Ended in March 2011   70002000000000000002[128] A Minor protests
 Somalia 02011-01-2828 January 2011 Ended in June 2012   70002000000000000002[128] A Minor protests
 Sudan 02011-01-3030 January 2011 Ongoing
  • President Bashir announces he will not seek another term in 2015[129]
700114000000000000014[130][131][132] A Minor protests
 Iraq 02012-12-2323 December 2012 Ongoing
  • Prime Minister Maliki announces that he will not run for a 3rd term;[133]
  • Resignation of provincial governors and local authorities[134]
700111000000000000011[135] B Major protests
 Bahrain 02011-02-1414 February 2011 Ongoing
  • Economic concessions by King Hamad[136]
  • Release of political prisoners[137]
  • Negotiations with Shia representatives[138]
  • GCC intervention at the request of the Government of Bahrain
  • Head of the National Security Apparatus removed from post[139]
  • Formation of a committee to implement BICI report recommendations[140]
7002120000000000000120[141] D Sustained civil disorder and government changes
 Libya 02011-02-1717 February 2011 Government overthrown on 23 August 2011

Overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi; Gaddafi killed by rebel forces

7004325000000000000 25,000-30,000+ [144] E Government overthrown
 Kuwait 02011-02-1919 February 2011 Ongoing 50000000000000000000[147] C Protests and governmental changes
 Morocco 02011-02-2020 February 2011 Ended in March–April 2012 70006000000000000006[150] C Protests and governmental changes
 Mauritania 02011-02-2525 February 2011 Ongoing   70003000000000000003[151] A Minor protests
 Lebanon 02011-02-2727 February 2011 End in December 2011   50000000000000000000 D Protests and governmental changes
 Saudi Arabia 02011-03-1111 March 2011 Ongoing 700123000000000000023[157] A Minor protests
 Syria 02011-03-1515 March 2011 Ongoing 7004112410000000000 70,000+[166] Ongoing civil war
Iranian Khuzestan 02011-04-1515 April 2011 Ended on 18 April 2011   700112000000000000012 B Major protests
Israeli border areas 02011-05-1515 May 2011 Ended on 5 June 2011   7001110000000000000 30–40[167][168] B Major protests
 Palestine 02012-09-044 September 2012 Ongoing
  • Salam Fayyad states that he is "'willing to resign"[169]
50000000000000000000 A Minor protests
Total death toll: 98,408–103,421+ (International estimate, ongoing)  

   [edit] Major events

    [edit] Tunisia

    Protesters in downtown
     
unis on 14   January 2011

Following the self-immolation of
Mohamed Bouazizi in Sidi Bouzid, a
series of increasingly violent street
demonstrations through December 2010
ultimately led to the ousting of longtime
PresidentZine El Abidine Ben Ali on 14 January
2011. The demonstrations were preceded by
high unemployment,
food inflation
corruption,
[170] lack of freedom of speech
and other forms of
political freedom,[171]
and poor
living conditions. The protests
constituted the most dramatic wave of social
and political unrest in Tunisia in three decades
[172][173] and have resulted in scores of deaths
and injuries, most of which were the result of
action by police and security forces against
demonstrators. Ben Ali fled into exile in
Saudi Arabia, ending his 23 years in power.[174][175]

A state of emergency was declared and a
caretaker coalition government was
created following Ben Ali's departure
which included members of Ben Ali's party
the
Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD)
 as well as
opposition figures from other
ministries. However, the five newly appointed
non-RCD ministers resigned almost
immediately.
[176][177] As a result of continued
daily protests, on 27 January Prime
Minister
Mohamed Ghannouchi reshuffled
the government, removing all former RCD members
other than himself, and on 6 February the
former ruling party was suspended;
[178] later
on 9 March, it was dissolved.
[179] Following
further public protests, Ghannouchi himself
resigned on 27 February, and
Beji Caid el Sebsi
became Prime Minister.

On 23 October, citizens voted in the first
post-revolution election to elect
representatives to a 217-member
constituent assembly that would be responsible
for the new constitution.
[180] The
leading moderate Islamist party
Ennahda, won 37% of the vote, and
managed to elect 42 women to the Constituent Assembly.
[181]

[edit] Egypt

 
   Celebrations in
    
Tahrir Square after 
   
Omar Suleiman's
    statement   concerning
    
Hosni   Mubarak's resignation

Inspired by the uprising in Tunisia and prior
to his entry as a central figure in
Egyptian politics, potential
presidential candidateMohamed ElBaradei
warned of a "Tunisia-style explosion" in Egypt.
[182]

Protests in Egypt began on 25 January
2011 and ran for 18 days. Beginning
around midnight on 28 January
the Egyptian government attempted
somewhat successfully, to eliminate
the nation's Internet access,
[25] in order
to inhibit the protesters' ability to organize
through
social media.[183] Later that day
as tens of thousands protested on the
streets of Egypt's major cities
President
Hosni Mubarak dismissed his
government, later appointing a new cabinet
Mubarak also appointed the first Vice President in almost 30 years.

On 10 February, Mubarak ceded all
presidential power to Vice President
Omar Suleiman, but soon thereafter
announced that he would remain as President
until the end of his term.
[184] However, protests
continued the next day, and Suleiman quickly
announced that Mubarak had resigned from the presidency and transferred power to the
Armed Forces of Egypt.[185] The military
immediately dissolved the
Egyptian Parliament
suspended the
Constitution of Egypt
and promised to lift the nation's thirty-year
"
emergency laws". A civilian, Essam Sharaf
was appointed as
Prime Minister of Egypt
on 4 March to widespread approval among
Egyptians in
Tahrir Square.[186] Violent
protests however, continued through the end
of 2011 as many Egyptians expressed
concern about the
Supreme Council of the Armed Forces' perceived sluggishness in instituting reforms and their grip on power.[187]

Hosni Mubarak and his former interior
minister
Habib al-Adli were convicted to life in
prison on the basis of their failure to stop the
killings during the first six days of the 2011 Egyptian
Revolution.
[188] His successor, Mohamed Mursi
was sworn in as Egypt's first democratically
elected president before judges at the
Supreme Constitutional Court.[189] Fresh protests
erupted in Egypt on 22 November 2012.

   [edit] Libya

     Thousands of
     demonstrators gather in
Bayda

Anti-government protests began in Libya
on 15 February 2011. By 18 February the
opposition controlled most of
Benghazi, the
country's second-largest city. The government
dispatched elite troops and militia in an attempt to
recapture it, but they were repelled. By 20 February
protests had spread to the capital
Tripoli, leading to
a television address by
Saif al-Islam Gaddafi
who warned the protestors that their country
could descend into civil war. The rising death toll
numbering in the thousands, drew international
condemnation and resulted in the resignation of
several Libyan diplomats, along with calls
for the government's dismantlement.
[190]

Amidst ongoing efforts by demonstrators
and rebel forces to wrest control of Tripoli
from the
Jamahiriya, the opposition set up
an
interim government in Benghazi to
oppose Colonel
Muammar Gaddafi's rule.[191][192]
However, despite initial opposition success
government forces subsequently took back
much of the Mediterranean coast.

On 17 March
United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973
was adopted, authorising a
no-fly zone over
Libya, and "all necessary measures"
to protect civilians. Two days later
France, the United States and the United
Kingdom
intervened in Libya with a bombing
campaign against pro-Gaddafi forces
A coalition
of 27 states from Europe and the Middle East soon joined
the intervention. The forces were driven back
from the outskirts of Benghazi, and the
rebels
mounted an offensive, capturing scores
of towns across the coast of Libya. The offensive
stalled however, and a counter-offensive by the
government retook most of the towns, until
a
stalemate was formed between Brega
and
Ajdabiya, the former being held by the
government and the latter in the hands of the
rebels. Focus then shifted to the west of the country
where bitter fighting continued. After
a
three-month-long battle, a loyalist siege of
rebel-held
Misrata, the third largest city in Libya
 was broken in large part due to coalition
air strikes. The four major fronts of combat
were generally considered to be
the
Nafusa Mountains, the Tripolitanian
coast, the
Gulf of Sidra,[193] and the southern Libyan Desert.[194]

In late August, anti-Gaddafi fighters
capturedTripoli, scattering Gaddafi's
government and marking the end
of his 42 years of power. Many institutions
of the government, including Gaddafi and
several top government officials
regrouped in
Sirte, which Gaddafi declared
to be Libya's new capital.
[195] Others fled
to
Sabha, Bani Walid, and remote reaches
of the
Libyan Desert, or to surrounding
countries.
[196][197] However, Sabha fell in
late September,
[198] Bani Walid was captured
after a
grueling siege weeks later,[199] and
on 20 October, fighters under the aegis of
the
National Transitional Councilseized
Sirte,
killing Gaddafi in the process.[200]

[edit] Yemen

 
       Protests in Sana'a

Protests occurred in many towns in both
the north and south of Yemen starting in
mid-January 2011. Demonstrators initially
protested against governmental proposals
to modify the
constitution of Yemen
unemployment and economic conditions
[201] and corruption,[202] but their demands
soon included a call for the resignation of
President
Ali Abdullah Saleh,[202][203][204]
who had been facing internal opposition from
his closest advisors since 2009.
[205]

A major demonstration of over 16,000
protesters took place in
Sana'a on 27
January 2011,
[206] and soon thereafter
human rights activist and politician Tawakel Karman
called for a "Day of Rage" on 3
February.
[207]
According to
Xinhua News, organizers were calling
for a million protesters.
[208] In response to
the planned protest, Ali Abdullah Saleh stated
that he would not seek another
presidential term in 2013.[209] On 3 February, 20,000 protesters demonstrated against the government in
Sana'a,
[210][211] others participated in a
"Day of Rage" in Aden
[212] that was
called for by
Tawakel Karman,[207] while soldiers
armed members of the
General People's Congress
and many protestors held a pro-government
rally in Sana'a.
[213] Concurrent with the resignation
of Egyptian president Mubarak, Yemenis
again took to the streets protesting President
Saleh on 11 February, in what has been dubbed a
"Friday of Rage".
[214] The protests continued in
the days following despite clashes with government
advocates.
[215] In a "Friday of Anger" held
on 18 February, tens of thousands of Yemenis
took part in anti-government demonstrations
in the major cities of Sana'a,
Taiz, and Aden.
Protests continued over the following months
especially in the three major cities, and briefly
intensified in late May into urban warfare
between
Hashid tribesmen and army
defectors allied with the opposition on one side
and security forces and militias loyal to Saleh on
the other.
[216]

After Saleh pretended to accept
a
Gulf Cooperation Council-brokered
plan allowing him to cede power in
exchange for immunity only to back
away before signing three separate
times,
[217][218] an assassination attempt
on 3 June left him and several other
high-ranking Yemeni officials
injured by a blast in the presidential
compound's mosque.
[219] Saleh was
evacuated to
Saudi Arabia for treatment
but he handed over power to Vice President
Abd al-Rab Mansur al-Hadi, who has largely
continued his policies
[220] and ordered the
arrest of several Yemenis in connection with
the attack on the presidential compound.
[219]
While in Saudi Arabia, Saleh kept hinting that he
could return any time and continued to be
present in the political sphere through television
appearances from
Riyadh starting with an
address to the Yemeni people on 7
July.
[221] On Friday 13 August, a demonstration
was announced in Yemen as "Mansouron Friday" in
which hundreds of thousands of Yemenis called
for Ali Abdullah Saleh to go. The protesters joining
the "Mansouron Friday" were calling for
establishment of "a new Yemen".
[222] On
12 September, Saleh issued a presidential
decree while still receiving treatment in Riyadh
authorizing Vice President Abd al-Rab Mansur
al-Hadi to negotiate a deal with the opposition
and sign the GCC initiative.
[223]

On 23 September, three months since the
assassination attempt, Saleh returned to Yemen
abruptly, defying all earlier expectations.
[224]
Pressure on Saleh to sign the GCC initiative
eventually led to his signing of it in Riyadh on
23 November, in which Saleh agreed to step
down and set the stage for the transfer
of power to his vice-president.
[225]
A
presidential election was then
held on 21
February 2012, in which Hadi (the only candidate)
won 99.8 percent of the vote.
[226] Hadi then took
the oath of office in Yemen's parliament on
25 February.
[227] By 27 February, Saleh had resigned
from the presidency and transferred power
to his successor, however he is still wielding
political clout as the head of the
General People's Congress party.[228]

[edit] Syria

     Anti-government
     demonstrations in
Baniyas

Protests in Syria started on 26 January
2011, when a police officer assaulted a man in
public at "Al-Hareeka Street" in old Damascus.
The man was arrested right after the assault.
As a result, protesters called for the freedom
of the arrested man. Soon a "day of rage" was
set for 4–5 February, but it was
uneventful.
[229][230]
On 6 March, the Syrian security forces arrested
about 15 children in Daraa, in southern Syria
for writing slogans against the government.
Soon protests erupted over the arrest and
abuse of the children.
Daraa was to be the
first city to protest against the
Baathist regime
 
which has been ruling
Syria since 1963.[231]

Thousands of protestors gathered
in
Damascus, Aleppo, al-Hasakah, Daraa
Deir ez-Zor, and Hama on 15 March,[232][233][234]
with recently released politician
Suhair Atassi
becoming an unofficial spokesperson for the
"Syrian revolution".
[235] The next day there were
reports of approximately 3000 arrests and a
few
martyrs, but there are no official figures
on the number of deaths.
[236] On 18 April 2011
approximately 100,000 protesters sat in the central
Square of Homs calling for the resignation of
President
Bashar al-Assad. Protests continued
through July 2011, the government responding
with harsh security clampdowns and military
operations in several districts, especially in the north.
[237]

On 31 July, Syrian army tanks stormed several
cities, including Hama, Deir Ez-Zour,
Abu Kamal
and
Herak near Daraa. At least 136 people
were killed in the most violent and bloody day
since the uprising started.
[238]

On 5 August 2011, an anti-government
demonstration took place in Syria called
"God is with us", during which the Syrian
security forces shot the protesters
from inside the ambulances, killing 11 people consequently.
[239]

By late November – early December
the Baba Amr district of
Homs fell
under
armed Syrian opposition control.
By late December, the battles between
the government's security forces and the
rebel Free Syrian Army intensified in Idlib
Governorate. Cities in Idlib and neighborhoods
in Homs and Hama began falling into the
control of the opposition, during this time military
operations in Homs and Hama ceased and stopped.

By mid-January the FSA gained control
over
Zabadani and Madaya. By late January
the Free Syrian Army launched a full-scale attack
against the government in
Rif Dimashq
where they took over
Saqba, Hamoreya
Harasta and other cities in Damascus's Eastern
suburbs. On 29 January, the fourth regiment
of the Syrian Army led by the president's
brother
Maher al-Assad and the Syrian Army
dug in at Damascus, and the fighting continued
where the FSA was 8 km away from the Republican
palace in Damascus. Fighting broke out near
Damascus international airport, but by the next day the
Syrian government deployed the Republican Guards.
The military gained the upper hand and regained all
land the opposition gained in Rif Dimashq by early
February. On 4 February, the Syrian Army
launched a massive bombardment on Homs and
committed a huge massacre, killing 500 civilians in
one night in Homs. By mid-February, the
Syrian army
regained control over
Zabadani and Madaya.
In late February, Army forces entered Baba
Amro after a big military operation and heavy fighting.
Following this, the opposition forces began losing
neighborhoods in Homs to the Syrian
Army including
al-Inshaat, Jobr, Karm el-Zaytoon and only
Homs's old neighborhood's, including
Al-Khalidiya, Homs|al-Khalidiya, remained in opposition hands.

By March 2012, the government began
military operations against the opposition
in
Idlib Governorate including the city of Idlib
which fell to the Army by mid-March.
Saraqib
and
Sarmin were also recaptured by the
government during the month. Still, at this time
the opposition managed to capture
al-Qusayr and Rastan. Heavy fighting also
continued in several neighborhoods in
Homs and in the city of Hama. The FSA also
started to conduct hit-and-run attacks
in the pro-Assad
Aleppo Governorate
which they were not able to do before
Heavy-to-sporadic fighting was also
continuing in the
Daraa and Deir ez-Zor Governorates.

By late April 2012, despite a cease-fire being
declared in the whole country, sporadic fighting
continued, with heavy clashes specifically in
Al-Qusayr, where rebel forces controlled the
northern part of the city, while the military
held the southern part. FSA forces were holding
onto Al-Qusayr, due to it being the last major
transit point toward the Lebanese border.
A rebel commander from the Farouq Brigade
in the town reported that 2,000 Farouq fighters
had been killed in Homs province since August 2011.
At this point, there were talks among the rebels
in Al-Qusayr, where many of the retreating rebels
from Homs city's Baba Amr district had gone
of Homs being abandoned completely
On 12 June 2012, the UN peacekeeping
chief in Syria stated that, in his view
Syria has entered a period of civil war.
[240]

[edit] Bahrain

     Over 100,000 of
     Bahrainis taking
     part in the
     "
March of Loyalty to Martyrs"
     honoring political dissidents 
     killed by security forces

The protests in Bahrain started on 14 February
and were initially aimed at achieving
greater
political freedom and respect
for
human rights; they were not intended to
directly threaten the
monarchy.[5][241](pp162–3) Lingering
frustration among the Shiite majority with
being ruled by the Sunni government
was a major root cause, but the protests in
Tunisia and Egypt are cited as the inspiration for
the demonstrations.
[5][241](p65) The protests
were largely peaceful until a pre-dawn raid by
police on
17 February to clear protestors
from
Pearl Roundabout in Manama, in which
police killed four protesters.
[241](pp73–4) Following
the raid, some protesters began to expand their
aims to a call for the end of the monarchy.
[242]
On 18 February,
army forces opened fire on protesters
when they tried to reenter the roundabout
fatally wounding one.[241](pp77–8) The following day
protesters reoccupied Pearl Roundabout after the
government ordered troops and police to withdraw.
[241](p81)[243] Subsequent days saw large demonstrations
on 21 February a pro-government Gathering of
National Unity drew tens of thousands
[241](p86)[244] whilst on 22 February the number
of protestors at the Pearl Roundabout peaked at
over 150,000 after more than 100,000
protesters
marched there and were coming
under fire from the Bahraini Military which killed
around 20 and injured over 100 protestors.
[241](p88)
On 14 March,
Saudi-led GCC forces were requested
by the government and entered the country,
[241](p132)
which the opposition called an "occupation".
[245]

King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa declared a three-month
state of emergency on 15 March and asked the military
to reassert its control as clashes spread
across the country.
[241](p139)[246] On 16 March
armed soldiers and riot police cleared the protesters' camp in the
Pearl Roundabout, in which 3 policemen and
3 protesters were reportedly
killed.
[241](pp133–4)[247] Later, on 18 March, the government tore
down Pearl Roundabout monument.
[241](pp150)[248] After the lifting of
emergency law on 1 June,
[249] several large rallies were staged by the
opposition parties.
[250] Smaller-scale protests
and clashes outside of the
capital have continued to occur almost
daily.
[251][252] On 9 March 2012
over 100,000 protested in what the
opposition called "the biggest march in our history".
[253][254]

The police response has been described
as a "brutal" crackdown on peaceful and
unarmed protestors, including doctors
and bloggers.
[255][256][257] The police carried
out midnight house raids in
Shia neighbourhoods
beatings at checkpoints, and denial of
medical care in a "campaign of intimidation"
[258][259][260][261] More than 2,929 people have
been arrested,
[56][262] and at least five people
died due to torture while in police custody
[241](p287,288) On 23 November 2011
the
Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry released its
report on its investigation of the events
finding that the government had
systematically tortured prisoners and
committed other human rights violations
[241](pp415–422) It also rejected the government's
claims that the protests were instigated
by
Iran.[263] Although the report found that
systematic torture had stopped,
[241](pp417) the
Bahraini government has refused entry to
several international human rights groups
and news organizations, and delayed a
visit by a
UN inspector.[264][265] More than 80
people had
died since the start of the uprising.[266]

[edit] Concurrent incidents

[edit] Analysis

[edit] Ethnic scope

Many analysts, journalists, and involved
parties have focused on the protests as being a uniquely
Arab phenomenon, and indeed, protests and uprisings
have been strongest and most wide-reaching in
majority-Arabic-speaking countries
giving rise to
the popular moniker of Arab Spring—a play
on the so-called 1968
Prague Spring, a
democratic awakening in what was
then
communistCzechoslovakia—to refer
to protests, uprisings, and revolutions in those
states.
[267][268][269] However, the international
media has also noted the role of minority groups
in many of these majority-Arab countries in the revolts.

In Tunisia, the country's small Jewish
minority was initially divided by protests
against
Ben Ali and the government
but eventually came to identify with
the protesters in opposition to the regime, according to
the group's president, who described
Jewish Tunisians
as "part of the revolution".
[270][271]
While many in the
Coptic minority in
Egypt had criticized the Mubarak government
for its failure to suppress Islamic extremists
who attack the Coptic community, the prospect
of these extremist groups taking over after its
fall caused most Copts to avoid the protests
with then-
Pope Shenouda III of
the
Coptic Orthodox Church of Alexandria calling
for them to end.
[272] The international media
pointed to a few Copts who joined the protests.
[273][274]

Because the uprisings and revolutions
erupted first in North Africa before spreading to
Asian Arab countries
and the
Berbers of Libya[275]
participated massively in the protests
and fighting under Berber identity banners
some Berbers in Libya often see the revolutions
of North Africa, west of Egypt
as a reincarnated
Berber Spring.[276][277][278] In
Morocco, through a constitutional reform
passed in
a national referendum on 1 July 2011
among other things,
Amazigh—a standardized
version of the three Berber languages of
Morocco—was made official alongside
Arabic.[279] During the civil war in Libya
one major theater of combat was the
western
Nafusa Mountains, where the
indigenous
Berbers took up arms against the
regime while supporting the
revolutionary
National Transitional Council, which
was based in the majority-Arab eastern half of
the country.
[280][281]

In northern Sudan, hundreds of non-Arab
Darfuris joined anti-government protests,[282]
while in
Iraq and Syria, the ethnic Kurdish
minority has been involved in protests against
the government,
[283][284] including
the
Kurdistan Regional Government in the
former's Kurdish-majority north, where
at least one attempted self-immolation was
reported.
[285][286][287]

[edit] Impact of the Arab Spring

The regional unrest has not been
limited to countries of the
Arab world. The
early uprisings in North Africa were inspired
by the
2009–2010 uprisings in the neighboring
state of
Iran;[288][289] these are considered by
many commentators to be part of a wave of
protest that began in Iran, moved to North
Africa, and has since gripped the broader
Middle Eastern and North African regions
including
additional protests in Iran in 2011–2012.[290]

In the countries of the
neighboring
South Caucasus—namely
Armenia,[291] Azerbaijan,[292] and Georgia[293]—as
well as some countries in Europe, including
Albania,[294] Croatia,[295] and Spain;[296]
countries in
sub-Saharan Africa, including
Burkina Faso,[297] and Uganda;[298][299]
and countries in other parts of Asia
including the
Maldives[300] and
the
People's Republic of China,[301]
demonstrators and opposition figures
claiming inspiration from the examples of
Tunisia and Egypt have staged their own popular
protests. The
protests in the Maldives led to the
resignation of the President.

The bid for statehood by Palestine at the UN
on 23 September 2011 is also regarded as
drawing inspiration from the Arab Spring
after years of failed peace negotiations
with Israel. In the West Bank, schools
and government offices were
shut to allow demonstrations backing the
UN membership bid in Ramallah, Bethlehem
Nablus and Hebron; echoing similar peaceful protests
from other Arab countries.
[302]

The 15 October 2011 global protests
and the
Occupy Wall Street movement, which
started in the United States and has since spread
to Asia and Europe, drew direct inspiration
from the Arab Spring, with organizers asking
U.S. citizens "Are you ready for a
Tahrir
moment?"
[303] The protesters have committed
to using the "revolutionary Arab Spring
tactic" to achieve their goals of curbing corporate
power and control in Western governments.
[304]

Also, the Occupy Nigeria protests
beginning the day after
Goodluck Jonathan
announced the scrap of the fuel subsidy in oil-rich
Nigeria
on 1 January 2012, were motivated by the Arab people.
[305]

The Tunisian revolution also brought about important changes to the intersection of art and politics in post-2011 Tunisia.

[edit] International reactions

Protests in many countries affected by the Arab Spring
have attracted widespread support from the international
community, while harsh government responses have
generally met condemnation.
[306][307][308][309] In
the case of the
Bahraini, Moroccan, and Syrian protests
the international response has been considerably
more nuanced.
[310][311][312][313]

Some critics have accused Western
governments and media, including those
of France, the United Kingdom, and the United States
of
hypocrisy in the way they have reacted to
the Arab Spring.
[314] [315] Noam Chomsky accused the Obama administration of endeavoring
to muffle the revolutionary wave and
stifle popular democratization efforts in the Middle East.
[316]

The International Monetary Fund said oil prices were
likely to be higher than originally forecast due to
unrest in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA)
major regions of oil production.
[317]
Starting in 2010 global investors have significantly
reduced their stakes in MENA region holdings
since December 2010 resulting in significant
declines in region-linked stock indexes.
[318]

Kenan Engin, a German-Kurdish
political scientist, identified the new uprising
in Arab and Islamic countries
as the "fifth
wave of democracy" because of evident
features qualitatively similar to the
"third wave of democracy" in Latin
America that took place in the 1970s and 1980s.
[319][320]

[edit] Social media and the Arab Spring

The importance of the role of social media
on the Arab uprisings
has been largely debated.
[22][23][321]
Some say that social
media was the main instigator of the uprisings
while others claim that it was merely a tool
Either way, the perception of social media
has changed; its role in the uprisings has
demonstrated to the world its power.
[322]
Such information allowed the world to stay
updated with the protests and facilitated
organizing protests. Nine out of ten
Egyptians and Tunisians responded to
a poll that they used
Facebook to
organize protests and spread
awareness.
[323] Furthermore, 28% of
Egyptians and 29% of Tunisians from
the same poll said that blocking Facebook
greatly hindered and/or disrupted communication.

In revolutions that were previously started on Facebook
alone were rapidly quashed by secret police in those countries
so much so that in Egypt a prominent activist group always had
"Do not use Facebook or Twitter" on the front and backs of their revolutionary material.
[324]

Further evidence that suggests an important
role of social media on the uprisings is that
social media use more than doubled in Arab
countries during the protests. Some
research have shown how
collective intelligence
dynamics of the crowd
in
participatory systems such as social media
have the immense power to support a
collective action – such as foment a political change.
[325][326]

The graph depicting the data collected by the Dubai School of
Government illustrates this sharp increase in
Internet usage. The only discrepancy in the trend is
with the growth rate in
Libya.
[323] The report proposes a reasonable
argument that explains such discrepancy
many Libyans fled the violence
and therefore moved their social media usage elsewhere.

This influx of social media usage indicates the kind of
people that were essentially powering the Arab
Spring. Young people fueled the
revolts of the various Arab countries by using
the new generation's abilities of social networking
to release the word of uprising to not only other
Arab nations, but nations all over the world. As of 5 April 2011 
(2011-04-05)
, the amount of Facebook
users in the Arabian nations surpassed 27.7
million people,
[323] indicating that the constant
growth of people connected via social media acted
as an asset where communication was concerned.

Others have argued that television
in specific the constant live televisions
coverage by
Al Jazeera English and the
sporadic live coverage of
BBC News and others
was highly important for the
2011 Egyptian Revolution
as the cameras provided exposure and prevented mass
violence by the Egyptian government in Tahir Square
as opposed to the lack of such live coverage and the more
widespread violence in Libya.
[327] The ability
of protesters to focus their demonstrations on
a single area and be covered live was fundamental in
Egypt, but was not possible in Libya, Bahrain and Syria.

Different sorts of media such as image and video
were also used to portray the information.
Images surfaced that showed current events
which illustrated what was going on within
the Arabian nations. The visual media that
spread throughout the Internet depicted
not only singular moments, but showed the
Arabian nations history, and the change
that was to come.
[328] Through social media, the ideals
of rebel groups, as well as the current situations
in each country received
international attention. It  is still debated whether
or not social media acted as a primary catalyst for
the Arab Spring to gain momentum and become an
internationally recognized situation. Regardless
 
it has still played a crucial role in the movement.

  [edit] See also

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